News Update

March 13th, 2008 by unhrc

Chad: Mercenaries enter from Sudan

  • Story Highlights
  • Chad govt. has issued communique saying Sudanese rebels crossed into Chad
  • Communique sent form capital N’Djamena offers no other details
  • Chad still recovering form failed coup attempt a month earlier
  • Sudan govt. believes Chad is supporting rebels in Darfur region of Sudan
  • Next Article in World »
  • if(window.location.pathname.indexOf(’/2008/WORLD/meast/03/13/iran.elections.ap/index.html’)!=-1){ var nxtStryCSIMgr = CSIManager.getInstance().call(’/.element/ssi/auto/2.0/sect/WORLD/nextStory0.exclude.html’,'’,'cnnNextStoryCSI’);} if(window.location.pathname.indexOf(’/2008/WORLD/africa/03/13/sudan.chad/index.html’)!=-1){ var nxtStryCSIMgr = CSIManager.getInstance().call(’/.element/ssi/auto/2.0/sect/WORLD/nextStory1.exclude.html’,'’,'cnnNextStoryCSI’);} if(window.location.pathname.indexOf(’/2008/WORLD/europe/03/13/eu.summit.ap/index.html’)!=-1){ var nxtStryCSIMgr = CSIManager.getInstance().call(’/.element/ssi/auto/2.0/sect/WORLD/nextStory2.exclude.html’,'’,'cnnNextStoryCSI’);} if(window.location.pathname.indexOf(’/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/03/13/india.illegalarms/index.html’)!=-1){ var nxtStryCSIMgr = CSIManager.getInstance().call(’/.element/ssi/auto/2.0/sect/WORLD/nextStory3.exclude.html’,'’,'cnnNextStoryCSI’);} if(window.location.pathname.indexOf(’/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/03/13/nkorea.nukes.ap/index.html’)!=-1){ var nxtStryCSIMgr = CSIManager.getInstance().call(’/.element/ssi/auto/2.0/sect/WORLD/nextStory4.exclude.html’,'’,'cnnNextStoryCSI’);} if(window.location.pathname.indexOf(’/2008/WORLD/americas/03/13/canada.afghanistan/index.html’)!=-1){ var nxtStryCSIMgr = CSIManager.getInstance().call(’/.element/ssi/auto/2.0/sect/WORLD/nextStory5.exclude.html’,'’,'cnnNextStoryCSI’);} if(window.location.pathname.indexOf(’/2008/WORLD/meast/03/13/iraq.main/index.html’)!=-1){ var nxtStryCSIMgr = CSIManager.getInstance().call(’/.element/ssi/auto/2.0/sect/WORLD/nextStory6.exclude.html’,'’,'cnnNextStoryCSI’);} if(window.location.pathname.indexOf(’/2008/WORLD/europe/03/13/uk.heathrow/index.html’)!=-1){ var nxtStryCSIMgr = CSIManager.getInstance().call(’/.element/ssi/auto/2.0/sect/WORLD/nextStory7.exclude.html’,'’,'cnnNextStoryCSI’);} if(window.location.pathname.indexOf(’/2008/WORLD/europe/03/13/serbia.parliament/index.html’)!=-1){ var nxtStryCSIMgr = CSIManager.getInstance().call(’/.element/ssi/auto/2.0/sect/WORLD/nextStory8.exclude.html’,'’,'cnnNextStoryCSI’);} if(window.location.pathname.indexOf(’/2008/WORLD/europe/03/13/turkey.youtube.ap/index.html’)!=-1){ var nxtStryCSIMgr = CSIManager.getInstance().call(’/.element/ssi/auto/2.0/sect/WORLD/nextStory9.exclude.html’,'’,'cnnNextStoryCSI’);}

var clickExpire = “-1″;

From CNN’s David McKenzie

Decrease font Decrease font

Enlarge font Enlarge font

ABECHE, Chad (CNN) — The government of Chad issued a communique Thursday that said mercenaries from Sudan had crossed into Chad.

art.sudan.rebels.afp.gi.jpg

Sudanese rebels drive their armoured battle wagon, 17 October 2007, at an unknown location on the Sudan-Chad border in northwest Darfur.

The communique, sent out from the capital N’Djamena, said that Sudan had launched “several heavily armed columns” of “mercenaries”against Chad the day before, The Associated Press reported.

Mercenaries is the term the Chadian government attributes to Chadian rebels backed by the Sudanese government, AP reports.

Chad is still recovering from a failed attempt last month by rebels to overthrow President Idriss Deby’s regime.

The fighting forced thousands to flee the capital, most of them going to the Cameroonian city of Kousseri, just across the river from N’Djamena.

President Idiss Deby was in Dakar, Senegal, to sign a peace treaty with his Sudanese counterpart Omar Hassan al-Bashir. But al-Bashir failed to attend their meeting on Wednesday because he reportedly had a headache, news media reported.

The recent tensions between Chad’s government and rebels is seen as a proxy war over Darfur.

Sudan’s government believes Chad is backing rebels in the volatile Sudanese region of Darfur where more than 200,000 people have died since 2003 and 2.5 million people have been forced into refugee camps.

Chad’s government believes Sudan is supporting the rebels that moved on the capital of N’Djamena in Ferbruary.

Chad is no stranger to civil wars and invasions since its 1960 independence from France. Deby seized power in a rebel uprising in 1990, and the latest assault on N’Djamena follows a failed rebellion in 2006.

In May that year, rebels got within a mile of N’Djamena before government forces halted them, reportedly with the help of French troops garrisoned there; Deby, denied such aid. His government later gave a top ministerial post to a leader of the rebels

The recent discovery of oil has only stepped up power struggles in the largely desert country.

News Update

March 13th, 2008 by unhrc

Chad, Sudan sign peace deal

(CNN) — The presidents of Sudan and Chad signed a non-aggression agreement late Thursday, aiming to halt cross-border hostilities between the two African nations.

art.chad.sudan.presidents.afp.gi.jpg

Chad President Idriss Deby, right, and Sudan’s President Omar al-Beshir, left, shake hands after signing the pact.

The signing came after nearly two full days of talks in Dakar, Senegal, between Sudan President Omar al-Beshir and Idriss Deby, the president of Chad.

Senegalese President Abdoulaye Wade facilitated the talks, and United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon met with officials from both nations and witnessed the signing of the agreement at about 10 p.m.

“The idea is to get the governments of Sudan and Chad to normalize their relations with each other and to halt any action that would allow for the cross-border movement of rebel factions or armed factions of either side that could hurt the other country,” said United Nations spokesman Farhan Haq.

Each country accuses the other of supporting armed rebel groups that cross the border to attempt to destabilize the government. The rival nations’ armies have skirmished several times.

The United Nations says refugees and armed groups have been regularly crossing the border between the troubled Darfur region of Sudan and Chad. They allegedly include many of the rebels that attacked N’Djamena, the capital of Chad, in early February.

As recently as Thursday, just hours before the agreement was signed, Chad issued a communique saying rebels from Sudan had crossed the border.

Chad is still recovering from a failed attempt last month by rebels to overthrow Deby’s regime.

The United Nations says the swelling number of Darfur refugees and other displaced people living in eastern Chad is causing serious strain on the region.

Kingsley Amaning, the U.N.’s humanitarian coordinator for Chad, said more than 10,000 people from Darfur, in Sudan, have fled into 12 official refugee camps in eastern Chad.

They join some 240,000 Darfurians who have lived in Chad since 2004 because of fighting in their homeland and an estimated 180,000 displaced Chadians also living there.

The number of displaced Chadians is growing because of the recent fighting there, Kingsley said.

Haq said the United Nations, which has peacekeeping troops in the Darfur region, will work to assure Sudan and Chad carry out the terms of Thursday’s deal. The countries have signed several peace agreements in the past, only to see renewed violence flare up. 

News Update

March 2nd, 2008 by unhrc

Cuba has been in the news due to Fidel Castro’s stepping down as president after 49 years of rule and passes his rule to his brother, Raul Castro. There has been questioning about possible reforms from Fidel Castro’s rule of informal economy and counter-reforms. Yet Raul Castro is a Communist and there has been more said than done in terms of economic reform. However, there has been growing autonomy for civilians and four prisoners from Fidel’s 2003 crackdown have been freed. And protection of human rights has been discussed as the government said it would sign the UN covenants on human rights in December. Also, discussion between Cuba and Spain about human rights has been formally made. Yet there is still more to be done, especially if this gradual opening up of society is to continue in Cuba. Read this article and think about the role of human rights in reforms and how increase of the protection of these rights may benefit other sectors in society, such as the economy and social stability.

Cuba

The comandante’s last move

Feb 21st 2008 | HAVANA
From The Economist print edition

Fidel Castro has stepped down as president. But the changes that Cubans yearn for will be slow and stealthy while he remains alive

AP

HALFWAY along Calle Obispo, a long street that links the restored colonial splendours of Old Havana to the crumbling tenements of the 19th-century city, a large red placard shouts its defiance in lime-green lettering in an arresting mixture of Spanish and English. “No hay tregua, compay! You understand: No Truce. Sr Bush: este pueblo no puede ser engañado ni comprado.” (“Mr Bush: this people cannot be deceived nor bought.”)

The placard advertises the museum of the Committees for the Defence of the Revolution (CDRs), the neighbourhood groups set up by Fidel Castro in 1960 to be the grass roots of his revolution, to organise services but also to inform the newly installed Communist-run state of dissent or subversion. The museum contains glass cases of revolutionary memorabilia. On the walls are blown-up extracts from Mr Castro’s speeches, and a chart showing the growth of membership in the CDRs, which in 2007 reached 8.4m of Cuba’s 11m people. The highlight, on the first floor, is a scale model in plaster of a typical Cuban street, the houses fronted with the Greek-revival columns that past sugar wealth bequeathed, the façades painted in turn in shocking pink, lime green, toothpaste blue, peach and lemon.

It is a remarkable exhibit of revolutionary kitsch. The museum is new, inaugurated on September 28th 2007. Yet on a recent Saturday afternoon it was empty; not one person among the throngs of Cubans and tourists strolling down Calle Obispo felt inspired to cross its threshold. With the mixture of friendly warmth and necessary opportunism that characterises Cubans nowadays, one of the bored women attendants was soon asking your correspondent’s wife if she could spare a packet of antacids (“medicines are very scarce”).

Mr Castro, ailing and aged 81, this week announced his retirement from the posts of Cuba’s president and its “commander in chief”. But his revolution has long since become a shell, a work of theatre in which the old trouper rants on even as many in the bored audience desperately want to slip away—if only they could. As the curtain comes down on Mr Castro’s 49 years of rule, change is inevitable. But of what kind and at what pace is far less clear.

It was ill-health and impending mortality, not any sense of failure or repudiation, that obliged Mr Castro to issue his statement that he would not seek to retain his posts. In July 2006, facing abdominal surgery, he turned over his powers to his brother, Raúl Castro. Since then he has not appeared in public. Photographs suggest that while he has been convalescing he remains extremely frail. In November he allowed his name to go forward as a candidate for the National Assembly. But this week he said: “it would be a betrayal of my conscience to accept a responsibility requiring more mobility and dedication than I am physically able to offer.”

On February 24th the new assembly is due to meet to unveil the Council of State, and thus Cuba’s president and its other top officials. The council’s members will be picked by the Castro brothers and a handful of senior advisers. Most Cuba-watchers expect Raúl Castro to be confirmed as the new president. Since Raúl is himself aged 76, a bolder move would be to hand the top job to Carlos Lage, a 56-year-old doctor who is the number three in the hierarchy.

Cuban officials see it as a triumph of their revolution—and a defeat for the United States—that power is being transferred peacefully and in an orderly manner within the regime. Once again, they have confounded those outside Cuba who have so often predicted the revolution’s demise. Yet the country that Fidel Castro is bequeathing to his successors is discontented and all but bankrupt. The undoubted costs imposed by the American economic embargo pale beside self-inflicted problems.

When the Soviet Union collapsed, Cuba lost the patron, protector and paymaster that had allowed Mr Castro’s Communist regime to survive the United States’ embargo and its persistent efforts to kill or topple him. Cuba’s economy shrank by around 35% between 1989 and 1993. Many outsiders expected Mr Castro swiftly to go the way of the Berlin Wall.

He responded by declaring a “Special Period” involving a mixture of drastic austerity and pragmatic economic reform. His government encouraged mass tourism and foreign investment, mainly in hotels, nickel mines, telecoms and oil exploration. It allowed farmers markets, to supplement the meagre official rations, and, for the first time since the 1960s, licensed family businesses such as restaurants (known as paladares) or plumbers and electricians. It also legalised the use of the dollar, tapping a new source of hard currency in the form of remittances from the million or more Cuban-Americans. State companies were given more freedom to run themselves.

Chávez replaces the Soviet Union

These measures, implemented by Mr Lage and a group of reformist economists, stabilised the economy and saw a modest return to growth. But they brought rising inequality to Cuban society, and undermined party control. In 1996 Mr Castro halted the reforms. Finally, in 2004 he declared the Special Period over and rolled back some of the changes. The dollar was replaced by the “convertible peso” commonly known as a CUC and now valued at $1.08. The welcome for foreign investment became more selective; many small businesses had their licences withdrawn.

Along with counter-reform came a political crackdown. The few dissidents on the island, supported by the United States but infiltrated by the Cuban security services, pose no threat to Mr Castro. Not so the Varela Project, a push for constitutional change led by Oswaldo Payá, a Christian democrat. The project gathered 11,000 signatures for a petition handed in to the National Assembly urging changes to the 1976 constitution to allow free elections and civil and political rights. Unlike the dissidents, Mr Payá opposes the American economic embargo and refuses help from American diplomats.

Mr Castro reached for his sledgehammer. He organised a referendum to approve a constitutional change declaring socialism “irrevocable”. And in March 2003, while the world was distracted by the American invasion of Iraq, the government arrested 75 opponents, most associated with the Varela Project, and in summary trials sentenced them to long prison terms. When coincidentally three Cubans hijacked a ferry in a desperate attempt to get to Florida, they were executed.

Cuba’s shuffle towards the market was far more timid than the bold steps taken by China or Vietnam. Mr Castro felt able to retreat from it because new allies appeared. Venezuela’s Hugo Chávez has gone some way towards replacing Cuba’s lost Soviet sponsor. Under a web of barter deals, up to 20,000 Cuban doctors, sports trainers and security specialists work in Venezuela; in return Mr Chávez has provided the island with 92,000 barrels per day of oil, and with other aid worth some $800m in 2006 and $1.5 billion in 2007, according to a recent book by Germán Sánchez, Cuba’s ambassador in Caracas.

With Naomi Campbell, a British fashion model, in tow Mr Chávez turned up in November to inaugurate a mothballed Soviet-era oil refinery near the southern city of Cienfuegos, completed with Venezuelan money. He also paid for 100 three-room houses for the refinery workers, and has offered aid to restart defunct industrial plants, such as a rusting fertiliser factory near the refinery.

Venezuelan aid has boosted economic growth (see chart 1). It has also allowed the government to overhaul the electricity system (as well as replacing 52m incandescent light bulbs with energy-saving ones). A few years ago, power cuts were frequent and lengthy; now they are rare. Along with Venezuelan aid has come Chinese credit. Cuba is gradually augmenting its fleet of thirsty Soviet buses and trucks with new, more fuel-efficient Chinese models.

Mr Chávez may still believe in Mr Castro’s revolution, but talk to ordinary Cubans and grievances well up. Top of the list comes low wages and high prices. Salaries typically range from 400 (non-convertible) Cuban pesos a month for a factory worker to some 700 for a doctor. But that amounts to only 16-28 CUCs ($17-30) at the unofficial (but legal) exchange rate. Pesos are good mainly for buying the subsidised official rations, handed out through the CDRs. Each month these comprise 5lbs (2¼ kilos) of rice per person, half a litre of cooking oil and, when available, beans, sugar, sardines, pork, chicken, soap and toothpaste. This lasts only a week or so.

Other things can be bought nowadays in Cuba—but at a price. At the bustling Cuatro Caminos market hall near Havana’s main railway station, onions cost 5 ordinary Cuban pesos each, a pound of beans costs 10 pesos and a similar quantity of chicken and bacon go for 23 pesos.

To make ends meet, Cubans are forced to rely on a vast informal economy. It is greased by remittances from abroad, which are estimated at between $500m and $1 billion a year. “Everyone has their business on the side,” says a transport inspector in Aguada de Pasajeros, a dusty farming town of small one-storey houses that would not look out of place in the poorer countries of Central America.

These sidelines range from market gardens to shoemending, or to running a taxi service using the horses and carts that are ubiquitous in places like Aguada. Rodrigo, an engineer in a small town in central Cuba surrounded by cane fields, says there is no point in practising his profession for a pittance. Instead, he deals in second-hand clothes, and raises chickens and pigs. He dives into the bedroom in his two-bedroom house and shows off an attaché case full of euros and CUCs. In any other country, he would be a successful businessman. He and his partner, a psychologist, are desperate to leave Cuba.

Since the informal economy is officially illegal, it is wrapped around by harassment, bribes and bureaucracy—what Cubans call the “internal embargo”. It also breeds absenteeism, cynicism and ingenuity. These are eroding the little that remains of revolutionary morale. In Cienfuegos, when your correspondent went to the official exchange house, he was ushered into a shop next door by a muscular young man in dark glasses who offered to swap euros for CUCs. “It’s illegal, but there’s no problem,” he said. This transaction took place right opposite the local headquarters of the Communist Party. Rodrigo says his dissident sympathies are well known in his town, but he is not denounced by the president of his local CDR because he sells clothes to the man’s wife. Use of the internet is restricted, but government workers rent out night-time access.

The informal economy is one way in which Cuba is becoming more like the rest of Latin America. Another is growing inequality. Jobs in tourism or at foreign companies are coveted, as giving access to tips or bonuses. But only around two-thirds of Cubans have access to hard currency from one source or another. There is no malnutrition but poverty is palpable: at night, at a tourist restaurant in Cienfuegos, a chef hands a basket of food through a window to hungry relatives waiting outside.

Other grievances include the shortages of public transport and housing. On the outskirts of every town, would-be passengers wait for an hour or more for a ride. Alberto, a driver, tells of his frustration that after 30 years of work he must still lodge in the house of his sister.

Many Cubans still praise their free health and education services. But they add that these are of deteriorating quality. Schools have been hit by the loss of teachers to tourism jobs (and by a decision to halve class sizes to 15). Their replacements are ill-trained student teachers. Hospital buildings are dilapidated, while medicine and equipment are often in short supply. Next to the shabby maternity hospital in Havana stands a trim, freshly painted eye hospital—used mainly for Latin American patients flown in by Venezuela for cataract operations. This is a propaganda success for Mr Castro and Mr Chávez, but breeds resentment among Cubans.

Raúl and the renewal of reform

Since taking over the reins, Raúl Castro has given signs that he understands many of these frustrations. But Raúl is no liberal democrat. He is a lifelong Communist: he was in the Communist Youth when Fidel was still just a leftist nationalist. Immediately after the revolution, his brother charged him with forging a new army, which he has run ever since. It is the country’s most efficient institution. Raúl differs in temperament from Fidel. He keeps regular hours, is a tidy administrator and is more at home in small gatherings than giving long public speeches. Where Fidel is an obsessive micro-manager, Raúl is a delegator. He is also more pragmatic.

Last July he launched an open debate on the shortcomings of Cuba’s economy, saying that it needed “structural and conceptual changes”. So far more has been said than done. But the government has quietly turned more state land over to family farming and paid off a debt to dairy farmers. It is also spending more money on transport—buying more Chinese buses—and on doing up hospitals. Provincial officials have been given more autonomy. The police inflict less harassment on the private taxi drivers who take tourists around in 1950s American cars. The government has decreed that workers in foreign companies must pay tax on their unofficial bonuses—a way of accepting that companies should be free to vary pay according to performance.

With Raúl (or Mr Lage) installed in the presidency, change may accelerate—but only a bit. An economist involved in the reforms of the mid-1990s expects their resumption, but at a slower pace. “I think there will be a move towards greater decentralisation and the use of market mechanisms,” he says. Foreign investment and small business will be encouraged again.

It is hard to discern clear factions within the regime. But there are powerful groups that benefit from the status quo. And some officials are seen as orthodox Marxists. Not all of these are elderly: they include Felipe Pérez Roque, the foreign minister, a protégé of Fidel. Even reformers worry that change will intensify inequality and create instability. Under Fidel Castro political logic has always trumped economic logic: three times since the 1960s he has reversed more pragmatic, decentralising policies and reimposed central control, as Carmelo Mesa-Lago and Jorge Pérez-López, two Cuban-American economists have pointed out.

Although he is retiring as president, Fidel Castro remains first secretary of the Communist Party. If a long-overdue party congress is held this year, that may be another harbinger of reform. But Fidel is still likely to exercise a veto power behind the scenes. He plans to continue writing regular newspaper columns. “I am not saying goodbye to you. I want only to fight on as a soldier of ideas,” his statement said. Raúl is not going to do anything that might embarrass his brother, says a foreign academic in Havana.

Nevertheless, two things are now acting as motors of change. One is a realisation that Venezuelan aid may not last forever—especially following the defeat last December of a constitutional referendum that would have allowed Mr Chávez to stay in office indefinitely. Without his payments for Cuban doctors (classed as a service export), the balance of payments would be under unbearable strain (see chart 2). The island spent $1.6 billion on food imports last year, and imports much of its fuel. Having repeatedly defaulted on its foreign debt, its credit is restricted.

The second motor of change, recognises the economist, is “popular discontent”. Whatever else Cubans might think of Fidel Castro, many respect and fear him as the man who led the revolution and successfully defied the United States. A successor regime cannot count on those advantages. Already there have been small signs of defiance. Officials explaining the decree taxing bonuses were greeted with jeers and complaints.

The revolution has lost the loyalty of young people. One youngster publicly questioned Ricardo Alarcón, the president of the National Assembly, as to why the recent election did not include candidates with different views. Parents of teenagers, having struggled through the Special Period, find it hard to offer their children any hope that things will improve.

Since Raúl Castro took charge, there have been several, small signs of political relaxation. Writers and artists seem to have carved out a small niche of autonomy. When former officials associated with the Stalinist cultural crackdown of the 1970s surfaced in a television programme, Raúl Castro publicly apologised for the excesses of that period. “The Lives of Others”, a film about the Stasi secret police in Communist East Germany, received several packed screenings at the Havana Film Festival last year. (Havana wags quickly adapted its Spanish title La Vida de Los Otros to La Vida de Nosotros or “Our Lives”.) One or two Cuban bloggers have survived without being molested.

The government announced in December that it would sign the United Nations covenants on human rights. And it has begun a formal dialogue about human rights with Spain, its main European trading partner. On February 15th, it freed four of the prisoners arrested in the 2003 crackdown. But human-rights groups say there are still more than 200 political prisoners in Cuban jails.

Grumbling about the economy, about corruption and bureaucracy is tolerated. Grumbling about politics is not. As Rodrigo says, his mother who lives in the United States can stand on a street corner and denounce Mr Bush but “if here we talk ill of Fidel we go to jail.” Cuba remains a police state. Asked for their political opinions, most Cubans will respond by rolling their eyes. It may be true, as officials assert, that Cubans care about everyday issues and not about democracy. But nobody can be sure of that.

News Update

March 2nd, 2008 by unhrc

This article that highlights the Bush administration and Africa and how relief in poverty has been attempted through AIDS reduction, health care and trade. Read the article and think about the TOP most important aspects in addressing alleviation of poverty worldwide. If more can be done, than what and how? What are the roles of international, national or individual players?

Doing good, quietly

Feb 14th 2008 | WASHINGTON, DC
From The Economist print edition

George Bush has a better record in Africa than many people realise

AMERICA’S president has his critics south of the Sahara. Zapiro, a leading South African cartoonist, has depicted George Bush responding to bird flu by bombing Turkey and the Canary Isles, and has shown doctors finding his brain during a colonoscopy. But as Mr Bush embarks on a five-country tour of Africa this week, he can point to more successes than critics give him credit for.

Mr Bush and his wife will visit Benin, Ghana, Liberia, Rwanda and Tanzania. None of these countries has been much in the world news of late, a sure sign that all are quietly doing better. Benin, Ghana and Tanzania seem stable and are democratic. Liberia is at peace. Rwanda’s government is autocratic but a lot better than the genocidal regime that preceded it, and has made progress in fighting AIDS.

Mr Bush is justly chided for backing anti-AIDS programmes that advocate only sexual abstinence, an approach that seldom works. What his critics forget is that this is only a small part of a huge effort to curb the epidemic. The American government is probably the world’s largest supplier of condoms to Africa. By the end of its first five-year phase, in September, the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, better known as PEPFAR, will have spent $18.8 billion, mainly in Africa. Mr Bush has asked Congress for another hefty $30 billion over the next five years to tackle AIDS in poor countries. At least 1m Africans get life-preserving antiretroviral drugs largely thanks to Uncle Sam.

America helps Africa in other ways, too. It supplies millions with anti-malarial bednets or drugs. It has written off a lot of debt and pushed for open trade. And Mr Bush takes an original approach to aid. His Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) gives poor countries money if they can come up with a good plan for what to do with it. This allows aid recipients to set their own priorities. Other donors usually insist that their largesse be spent on health or education. Fair enough, but America allows them to tackle less fashionable ills such as bad roads and sanitation, and to do so in a way that fosters initiative rather than dependency. The MCC has been slow to disburse cash, partly because of bureaucratic foul-ups in Washington but mostly because its remit is so ambitious and some African countries have struggled to draw up plausible plans for how to spend the money.

Mr Bush also wants to highlight African successes. Before the cold war ended, only three small African countries were proper democracies: Botswana, Mauritius and Senegal. Now a good score of them probably qualify. In the 1980s, most African countries had bad economic policies. Now inflation is low nearly everywhere bar Zimbabwe (where it is 150,000%) and nearly every African country not at war is growing quite fast. Over the past four years, sub-Saharan Africa’s growth rate has been around 6% a year.

It is violence, of course, that captures headlines, and Mr Bush is finding it hard to help calm Africa’s troublespots. His administration sent muddled signals at the start of Kenya’s current crisis but is now working hard to talk Kenya’s politicians back from the precipice. America played a big role in ending the war between north and south Sudan, but its efforts to douse the flames in Darfur have yet to succeed. America’s reputation in sub-Saharan Africa has held up much better than elsewhere in the world. According to a Pew Global Attitudes survey last year, a big majority of people in nine out of ten African countries polled still like America.

Moreover, savvy Africans know that any American president is a useful ally. Liberia’s president, Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, is lobbying hard for the Pentagon to put the headquarters of its Africa Command (AFRICOM) in her country, not least because it would make it much harder for ragtag rebels to mount another coup. But several other African countries are keen to bid for it too.

News Update

March 2nd, 2008 by unhrc

Here is an article from today’s New York Times. It recounts the attack of a town in the Darfur region by the janjaweed, who, using guns and bombs, killed dozens of civilians and resulted in many missing. While the government claims the raid was aimed at rebel groups, civilians of the town say that the rebel groups had been long gone from the region.

Those in the region state that this recent violence on the part of the janjaweed reflects the new phase in the genocide in Darfur in that it is an all-out attack on rebel groups by the government, through a “scorched-earth campagin”.

There have been connections with Chad as well, because rebel groups stationed in Darfur have been trying to overthrow the government that has been causing a lot of insecurity an instability in the area.

Please read this article, copied below, and comment on it or keep in mind these events for committee, and use them in your resolution-writing and caucusing. Focus on the role of rebel groups in Darfur, as aiding overthrowing of the janjaweed or causing more deaths and the government to be even more corrupt.

Scorched-Earth Strategy Returns to Darfur

Lynsey Addario for The New York Times

Hawar Omar Muhammad was among the Suleia residents terrorized by the militias, known as the janjaweed, and bombs dropped by government planes. More Photos >

 

Article Tools Sponsored By

Published: March 2, 2008

SULEIA, Sudan — The janjaweed are back.

Skip to next paragraph

Multimedia

The Faces of War in SudanPhotographs

The Faces of War in Sudan

 

Enlarge This Image

Lynsey Addario for The New York Times

Halima Muhammad Dawar in Suleia, Sudan, after government forces and allied militias burned the town last month. More Photos »

They came to this dusty town in the Darfur region of Sudan on horses and camels on market day. Almost everybody was in the bustling square. At the first clatter of automatic gunfire, everyone ran.

The militiamen laid waste to the town — burning huts, pillaging shops, carrying off any loot they could find and shooting anyone who stood in their way, residents said. Asha Abdullah Abakar, wizened and twice widowed, described how she hid in a hut, praying it would not be set on fire.

“I have never been so afraid,” she said.

The attacks by the janjaweed, the fearsome Arab militias that came three weeks ago, accompanied by government bombers and followed by the Sudanese Army, were a return to the tactics that terrorized Darfur in the early, bloodiest stages of the conflict.

Such brutal, three-pronged attacks of this scale — involving close coordination of air power, army troops and Arab militias in areas where rebel troops have been — have rarely been seen in the past few years, when the violence became more episodic and fractured. But they resemble the kinds of campaigns that first captured the world’s attention and prompted the Bush administration to call the violence in Darfur genocide.

Aid workers, diplomats and analysts say the return of such attacks is an ominous sign that the fighting in Darfur, which has grown more complex and confusing as it has stretched on for five years, is entering a new and deadly phase — one in which the government is planning a scorched-earth campaign against the rebel groups fighting here as efforts to find a negotiated peace founder.

The government has carried out a series of coordinated attacks in recent weeks, using air power, ground forces and, according to witnesses and peacekeepers stationed in the area, the janjaweed, as their allied militias are known here. The offensives are aimed at retaking ground gained by a rebel group, the Justice and Equality Movement, which has been gathering strength and has close ties to the government of neighboring Chad.

Government officials say that their strikes have been carefully devised to hit the rebels, not civilians, and that Arab militias were not involved. They said they had been motivated to evict the rebels in part because the rebels were hijacking aid vehicles and preventing peacekeepers from patrolling the area, events that some aid workers and peacekeepers confirmed.

“We are simply trying to secure the area from the bandits that are troubling civilians in the area,” said Ali al-Sadig, a government spokesman. “There is nothing abnormal about a government doing this.”

But residents of the towns said the rebels had been long gone by the time the government attacks began, leaving defenseless civilians to flee bombs and guns. In interviews, survivors of the attacks described a series of assaults that had left dozens dead, turned large sections of towns into hut-shaped circles of ash and scattered tens of thousands of fearful residents, including hundreds of children, who fled classrooms in the middle of a school day and have not been reunited with their families.

“My son Ahmed, he ran, but I have not seen him since,” said a woman named Aisha as she waited for a sack of sorghum from United Nations workers in Sirba, one of the towns that was attacked. “I just pray he is still hiding in the bush somewhere and will come back to me.”

A Terrorized Population

The United Nations estimates that the recent fighting has forced about 45,000 people to flee their homes in Darfur, which is roughly the size of Texas and has a population of about six million people. Some fled to Chad, where they have not been able to reach the safety of refugee camps because of continued bombing along the border. Others fled to Jebel Moun, a rebel stronghold to the east, and aid workers fear for the safety of about 20,000 people who are in the path of future attacks if the government presses ahead with its offensive and the rebels vow to resist.

Military officials from the peacekeeping force in Darfur said in recent days that the Sudanese military had added nearly a brigade of troops to West Darfur, along with two dozen tanks and armored vehicles and many heavy weapons.

“You see a buildup from both sides,” said Ameerah Haq, the senior United Nations aid official in Sudan. “Both sides must desist. We have a population that is just being attacked and hit from both sides.”

Skip to next paragraph

 

Enlarge This Image

Lynsey Addario for The New York Times

Nigerian soldiers with the hybrid peacekeeping force in Darfur sponsored by the United Nations and the African Union on a patrol in Suleia last week. More Photos >

Multimedia

The Faces of War in SudanPhotographs

The Faces of War in Sudan

The New York Times

Suleia and nearby towns have been burned and pillaged. More Photos >

 

Enlarge This Image

Lynsey Addario for The New York Times

International aid organizations distributed food and cooking oil last week in Suleia, Sudan, after attacks by government forces and Arab militias. More Photos >

 

Enlarge This Image

Lynsey Addario for The New York Times

Hawar Omar Muhammad was among the Suleia residents terrorized by the militias, known as the janjaweed, and bombs dropped by government planes. More Photos >

Pressure is mounting on Sudan over Darfur. In January, a long-sought hybrid United Nations and African Union peacekeeping force began working in Darfur, but the Sudanese government’s quibbling over which countries the troops will come from and bureaucratic delays have stalled the force’s deployment.

Sudan’s biggest trading partner and ally, China, has also come under pressure from advocates who have linked the Olympic Games in Beijing this summer to the fighting in Darfur. China has been more publicly critical of the Sudanese government in recent weeks. Sudan has also been trying to improve its relationship with the United States, and last week, President Bush’s new special envoy to Sudan, Richard S. Williamson, visited Darfur and the Sudanese capital, Khartoum, meeting with President Omar al-Bashir. Any improvement in relations, he said, would be contingent on tangible improvements in the humanitarian situation.

“Since the first of the year another 75,000 people in Darfur have been displaced,” Mr. Williamson said in a telephone interview. “That is more than a thousand a day. There are not going to be any changes until that reverses.”

Origins of a Conflict

Despite the pressure, the government seems determined to fight on, and the most powerful rebel groups — the biggest factions of the Justice and Equality Movement and the Sudanese Liberation Army — have refused to sit down for talks. So the violence continues, tracing a familiar arc as it wears on.

It was five years ago last week that an attack by rebels from non-Arab tribes like the Fur, Masalit and Zaghawa, seeking greater wealth and autonomy for the neglected and impoverished region of Darfur, prompted the Arab-dominated government to marshal Arab militias in the region that ultimately evicted millions from their homes, burning, looting and raping along the way. The campaign effectively pushed many non-Arab people off their land and into vast, squalid camps across Darfur and Chad.

In the first two years of the conflict, 2003 and 2004, joint attacks by the Sudanese Army, janjaweed militiamen and the government’s old Russian-made Antonov bombers terrorized Darfur, waging a brutal counterinsurgency against non-Arab rebel groups by attacking their fellow tribesmen in their villages. At least 200,000 are believed to have died as a result of the violence or sickness and hunger caused by the crisis, according to international estimates, with the majority of violent deaths in that period.

But in the past two years, the conflict has grown more complex and chaotic, and while some coordinated attacks by janjaweed militias and aerial bombardment have occurred, they were not of the same scale or intensity. But Darfur has remained a deadly place.

In 2006, before a peace agreement and then in the aftermath of its failure, rebel groups fractured and began fighting among themselves. Hundreds of thousands of people were displaced and hundreds died as a result of their battles. Today, according to some estimates, two dozen rebel groups are jockeying for territory and influence in Darfur. Some analysts and human rights workers say the government has sown chaos by splintering the rebel groups to weaken them.

In 2007, Arab tribes, some of which had allied with the government and some of which had taken up arms to fight the rebels, also began to fight one another. Many of the violent deaths of 2007 were caused by these bloody battles between Arab groups and their militias, according to aid workers and diplomats in the region.

But as the conflict enters its sixth year, an older, deadly pattern is returning, and with it fears are rising among villagers, aid workers, diplomats and analysts that Darfur is headed for a new cycle of bloodletting and displacement on a vast scale.

In recent weeks, bombs dropped from government planes hit Abu Surouj, Sirba, Suleia and other towns in West Darfur, then came janjaweed militiamen, who killed, raped and burned, helping themselves to livestock and grain, furniture and clothing. In one town, the raiders pried the corrugated metal roof off a school, aid workers said. In another, water pumps were destroyed.

“This is the kind of destruction that makes it hard for people to return,” said Ted Chaiban, the Unicef representative in Sudan, who has toured the area of the attacks. “People need security. They are totally vulnerable.”

Violence in Chad

The recent violence in Chad, where rebel groups with bases in Sudan tried to topple the government in early February, has worsened matters. Rebels in Darfur, who diplomats and analysts say have received arms and cash from the family of Chad’s president, Idriss Déby, rushed into Chad to help defend him, creating a vacuum in the territory they had occupied. Sudan’s government seized the opportunity to retake the ground and now appears to be pushing farther into areas long held by the rebels, according to peacekeepers stationed here.

Few people in the region were unhappy to see the Justice and Equality Movement evicted. Banditry was rife in the territory it controlled, and for months aid groups had dodged carjackings and other attacks. African Union peacekeepers had been barred from the area, according to Brig. Gen. Balla Keita, the new regional commander of the hybrid United Nations-African Union force in West Darfur.

“They were causing a lot of insecurity,” General Keita said of the rebels, but he added that this did not justify attacks on heavily populated areas.

In Suleia, only a few hundred residents remained of the 15,000 who had lived here. Those left behind were too weak to run and have sought safety near the army camp at the edge of town, sleeping in the open, huddled together for warmth against the frigid night winds.

The Sudanese soldiers here have promised to protect them from militiamen who still roam the edges of town. They prevented militiamen from stealing sacks of grain delivered by aid groups, residents said.

Adam Adoum Abdullah, a former rebel fighter who joined the Sudanese Army as part of a peace deal with one rebel group in 2006, commandeered an army truck to help collect what little food, blankets and bits of shelter remained in the town for those sleeping out in the cold next to the army camp.

“I am ashamed that the janjaweed come with the soldiers,” Mr. Abdullah said. “What kind of army are we to fight like this? These people, they are suffering. We must help them.”

News Update

March 2nd, 2008 by unhrc

Two weeks until the conference, delegates. I hope everyone is as excited as I am! Here are some news updates about our two topics. The first one is about Sudan and its relationship with China. The article focuses on the upcoming Beijing Olympics, the location of the Olympic games which has raised much controversy.  I think this is an interesting article that highlights some responses to the abuses of human rights in Darfur on the international, national and individual levels.

http://www.economist.com/world/international/displaystory.cfm?story_id=10696028

High hurdles

Feb 14th 2008 | BEIJING
From The Economist print edition

Darfur’s shadow over the Beijing games

Reuters

LOFTY words are always a hostage to fortune. The Olympic movement boasts that the Games “have always brought people together in peace to respect universal moral principles.” Yet history suggests otherwise. Boycotts marred the jamborees of 1956, 1976, 1980 and 1984. In 1968 two American sprinters gave a Black Power salute on the podium. The 1972 Games were blighted when Palestinian terrorists killed 11 Israeli athletes.

Now China, due to host the Games in August, is finding that its Olympic slogan—“One world, one dream”—also rests on hope more than fact. Steven Spielberg, an American film director, has quit as an artistic adviser for the opening and closing ceremonies: China, he said, must do more to stop the bloodshed in Darfur. On February 14th a group of Nobel laureates and athletes said the same in a letter to the Independent, a British daily.

Since Beijing won the right to stage the Games in 2001 China has known that it would have a hard time preventing critics of its human-rights abuses from spoiling the event. In 2006 it was delighted when Mr Spielberg came on board. But to China’s surprise, its behaviour abroad, particularly in Sudan, has been the focus of Hollywood’s ire in the run-up to the Games.

China has reacted angrily to what it calls attempts to “politicise” the Olympics. But recently it has been stung by the attempts of activists like Mia Farrow, an American actress, to portray the games as a “genocide Olympics” because of the killings in Sudan. China buys most of Sudan’s oil and sells it arms. This, say activists, makes it complicit in the state-orchestrated killing that has devastated Darfur.

To deflect such charges, China has shifted a little from its usual refusal to get involved in other countries’ political affairs. Western diplomats credit China with helping to persuade Sudan to accept a UN peacekeeping mission there. But this has not satisfied Mr Spielberg.

Even as it rejects their “politicisation”, the Games are of huge political importance to China. The Olympiads of the 1970s and 1980s were an athletic projection of the cold war; now China’s leaders want to show off their country as a respected world power, no longer weighed down by memories of the killings of pro-democracy demonstrators in Beijing in 1989. (They want to top the medal table too.) George Bush has said he will be there.

But activists may be hard to muzzle. What if one of the guests says something rude? The Olympic movement’s rules bar athletes from making political “demonstrations” at Olympic venues. But this week, after much criticism, the British Olympic Association said it was rethinking a decision to ask its team members to promise not to comment on sensitive issues during the games. Politics will intrude one way or another.

News Update 1: Sudan and Chad

February 8th, 2008 by unhrc

Here is a news article from CNN.com, February 3rd:

If anything, this video link from the article about why many are blaming Sudan for instability in Chad is very relevant to our debate:

http://www.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/02/03/chad.explainer/index.html?iref=newssearch#cnnSTCVideo
(CNN) — The violence in Chad has opened up a new conflict next to Sudan’s wartorn Darfur region, where more than 200,000 people have died since early 2003 and 2.5 million people have been chased into refugee camps.

A $300 million international aid mission supporting millions of people in the north African country is now at risk, while the deployment of the European Union’s peacekeeping mission to Chad and neighboring Central African Republic has been delayed.

Chad is no stranger to civil wars and invasions since independence from France in 1960: current president President Idriss Deby himself seized power in a rebel uprising in 1990.

The recent discovery of oil has only stepped up the power struggles in the largely desert country. The latest assault on N’Djamena follows a failed rebellion in 2006.

The rebels in N’Djamena are believed to be a coalition of three groups, according to The Associated Press.

The biggest group is led by Mohammed Nouri, an ex-diplomat who defected 16 months ago, and a nephew of Deby’s, Timan Erdimi.

They have long been opposed to Deby, whom they accuse of corruption and of giving insufficient support to insurgents in Darfur, some of whom are from Deby’s own tribe, the Zaghawa, who are from both Chad and Sudan.

The latest violence started when, according to a French military spokesman, rebels with assault weapons, rocket-propelled grenades and pickup trucks crossed into Chad from Darfur in an effort to topple Deby’s government.

Chad’s Ambassador to the United States Mahamoud, Adam Bechir, has accused neighboring Sudan of supporting the rebels to destabilize Chad’s government.

About 240,000 people have crossed the border to Chad to flee the civil war in Darfur, where Sudan’s government and government-supported Arab militias have been accused of widespread atrocities against the civilian population.

But according to the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees, at least 400 people had fled the fighting in Chad’s capital and crossed to neighboring Cameroon since Friday.

Helene Caux, a spokesperson for the agency in Geneva, said the refugees had arrived in the Cameroon border town of Kousseri, which is only a short distance from N’Djamena.

The border is divided by a river, and it is unclear if people crossed by boat or by bridge, she added.

The Cameroon authorities told the agency they could face problems providing humanitarian assistance if the refugee numbers swell, she said. She said the agency was sending three of its staff to Kousseri to help the relief effort.

The African Union, meeting in Ethiopia, said it would not recognize the rebels if they seize power, and selected Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi and Republic of Congo President Denis Sassou-Nguesso to try to broker a peace deal.

In a telephone conversation between Gadhafi and Nouri, the rebel leader agreed to a cease-fire and to talks aimed at implementing a peace and reconciliation agreement, JANA reported.

But rebel spokesman Mahamat Hassane Boulmaye said he had not heard of any cease-fire and did not believe Nouri would agree to an unconditional end to hostilities, AP reported.

The French government said it opposed the rebels’ actions. “You cannot try to use force to change a sovereign government,” said Nicolas Princen, a spokesman for President Nicolas Sarkozy’s office.

The U.S. State Department said it joined the African Union in “condemning the attempt by armed rebels entering from outside the country to seize power extra-constitutionally in Chad.”

“We call for calm in the capital and support the AU’s call for an immediate end to armed attacks and to refrain from violence that might harm innocent civilians,” the State Department said.

In May 2006, rebels got within a mile of N’Djamena before government forces halted them, reportedly with the help of French troops garrisoned there; Deby, denied such aid. His government later gave a top ministerial post to a leader of the rebels.

Copyright 2008 CNN. All rights reserved.This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed. Associated Press contributed to this report.

Human Rights Watch International Film Festival

February 3rd, 2008 by unhrc

If any of you live near the UC Berkeley campus, there is a great upcoming film festival in February devoted to human rights and topics such as global warming, terrorism, Palestine, Afghanistan..interesting! While they may not may not directly go along with our topics, it does showcase the importance of human rights and its promotion in dealing with international issues and security. Check out the website: http://www.bampfa.berkeley.edu/filmseries/hrwiff_2008. Admission is $6.50 for students AND it helps out your research for committee!

Tiffany Lee

UNHCR Head Chair

News Updates

February 3rd, 2008 by unhrc

Hello UNHRC Delegates,

Now that the first deadline for Position Papers has passed, I hope that you are getting more comfortable with the topics and that if you find that you have any questions or any confusion, to please email me. The second deadline to turn in papers is March 1st (postmarked deadline) in which you can be eligible for committee awards.

As the conference draws nearer, I will be posting news updates that relate to our topics and are things that you should keep in mind when preparing debate points and resolution points. Keep in mind that the topics we are discussing are current and changing, so I expect all of you to keep up with the news as well and be able to integrate the current events during the conference. The position papers you have written are “living” in that they may change. In grading delegations’ work in the conference, a large part of it will be if you have been doing research after the Position Papers have been turned in and are able to integrate this in Committee.

I will also be posting News Updates until the Conference with news articles from newspapers, magazines, online journals; etc. I encourage all of you to check this website often in order to get a sense of what I want you to focus on during the Conference.

Once again, if you have any questions, don’t hesitate to email me!

Tiffany Lee

Head Chair, UNHRC

Position Papers!

January 14th, 2008 by unhrc

Hello UNHCR Delegates,

The position paper is an essential component in which to prepare for of committee and become an expert on your country’s policy and suggestions for action. Not only is this important as a delegate, but it also is one of the first impressions you give to us chairs and lets us know you have done your research and are prepared for debate. Position papers are arduous but if you send your position papers on time they will make you eligible for awards! Some important dates:
Before February 1st - eligible for Research Awards

Before March 1st - eligible for Committee Awards

(postmarked dates)

What will be looking for as we read your position papers? First and foremost, it is important to that all your papers are clearly and thoughtfully written. Remember, it is quality, not quantity. The best position papers will follow their country’s policy and suggest solutions that are in accordance to their country’s policy and beliefs, even if you as the delegate disagree. In order to collect thorough research, some useful websites include:

www.un.org

www.hrw.org

www.amnesty.org

http://www.un.org/apps/news/infocusRel.asp?infocusID=114&Body=human%20rights%20council&Body1=

http://www.ohchr.org/EN/Pages/WelcomePage.aspx

http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/chad?page=news&id=4485a8e54

Because both topics are current, it is also important that you read online newspapers or other media sources. CNN and The Economist, as well as the New York Times.

Plagiarism is absolutely prohibited. We will be reading your papers closely and papers that have plagiarism will be disqualified for any awards and there will be action taken. It is fine that to include a bibliography at the end of your papers; citations within the paper are not needed. Please be aware that the ideas you write are your own; even rephrasing an idea requires in-text citation. If you have any more questions, please feel free to email me.

The sections of the position paper that we will be reading most closely is the Delegation Policy (III) and Proposed Solutions (IV). We will be looking at how well you follow your country’s policy and how thorough you write about your policy by paying close attention to aspects native to your country such as religion, history, economy that would affect their outlook on Darfur and extreme poverty. The proposed solutions will emerge out of your country’s policy; ask yourself: Based on factors such as religion and economic standing in the world; etc., what would my country like to see happen in Darfur or about extreme poverty? Why is my country invested (or not, as the case may be) in this issue? Why is human rights an important aspect of these issues? When proposing solutions, also anticipate arguments against your respective solution. It is important you try to defend your solutions as this will be the core of debate.

We will be grading your position papers as followed:

I. Topic Description (about 1 page) - 15%

  • Historical Background
  • Current Situation
  • Key Issues

*When writing bout the current situation for Extreme Poverty you can either discuss poverty on the world scale or pick a case particular to your country.
II. Past United Nations Action (about 1/2 page) - 10%
III. Delegation Policy (about 1 page) - 40%
IV. Proposed Solutions (about 1 page) - 30%

  • Proposal
  • Arguments in Favor
  • Anticipated Opposition
  • Arguments in Defense

V. Bibliography - 5%

These page limits are a general guideline, but like I said, quality is more important to quantity and the thoroughness of your research is what counts.

Always keep in mind that we are focusing on human rights and in your proposed solutions, focus on protection and upholding of human rights of civilians in Darfur and those of the impoverished.

Please feel free to contact me if you have any further questions - I look forward to reading your papers!

Tiffany Lee

UNHRC Head Chair